In today’s Russia, feminist activism varies depending on organization type and how the different organizations deploy technology to achieve their goals. Newer forms of activism are more adaptable and make full use of social media, while some of the long-standing organizations are disappearing as a result of the country’s conservative turn and loss of international funding. There is significant modern public sentiment that opposes the presence of women in Russian politics. The findings of a 2017 independent research study reveal a culture “not ready” for female leaders. In 2017, one in three Russians “do not approve of women in the political sphere.” In 2016, only twenty percent of respondents felt this way. The same study also concluded that the 2017 response against gender equality among the “high echelons of power” was stronger (38%), comparatively, than in 2016, when only 28% of respondents submitted these sentiments.
- Despite crackdowns on NGOs under Putin’s “foreign agents” law, organizations are doing their best to get the word out about the situation in Russia.
- Vladimir Putin’s call-up of hundreds of thousands of military reservists may have added to the trend.
- Pekurova herself gave birth last year in Buenos Aires, and her “positive” experience further strengthened her desire to offer trips to the country.
- Unlike their male counterparts who had to flee quickly, Russian women have the luxury of time.
Pamfilova has gained particular stature as an advocate on behalf of women and elderly people. The ending of Soviet assurance of the right to work caused severe unemployment among both men and women. After the 1991 fall of the USSR, many women who had previously worked as engineers, scientists and teachers, had to resort to prostitution in order to feed themselves and their https://bandits.art.br/2023/01/17/balinese-woman-photos-and-premium-high-res-pictures/ families. The most frequently-offered job in new businesses is that of sekretarsha (secretary/receptionist), and advertisements for such positions in private-sector companies often specify physical attractiveness as a primary requirement . Russian law provides for as much as three years’ imprisonment for sexual harassment, but the law is rarely enforced. Although the Fund for Protection from Sexual Harassment has blacklisted 300 Moscow firms where sexual harassment is known[by whom? ] to have taken place, demands for sex and even rape are still common on-the-job occurrences.
These girls were raised solely on the prospect of marrying to connect their own family to another aristocratic family. Many rural and urban lower classes houses had no space to separate young women so there was no designated terem to keep them isolated. Women of lower classes had to live and work with their brothers, fathers, and husbands as well as manage all household matters along with them. Marriage customs changed gradually with the new reforms instituted by Peter the Great; average marriageable age increased, especially in the cities among the wealthier tier of people closest to the tsar and in the public eye.
Russia
Arguably the most important legal change that affected women’s lives was the Law of Single Inheritance instituted by Peter the Great in 1714. The law was supposed to help the tax revenue for Russia by banning the allowance of noble families to divide their land and wealth among multiple children. This law effectively ended the practice of excluding women from inheriting patrimonial estates.
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The evolution of Russian feminism over the past thirty years and the transformation of feminism into nonfeminism and postfeminism are as interesting as the deeper historical roots of today’s agenda. In the Russian case, it is also vital to look beyond Moscow and St. Petersburg and engage the wide variety of regional experiences and perspectives on women’s issues from across the country. The Kennan Institute’s conference included participants from Ivanovo, Makhachkala, Nizhny Novgorod, Samara, Smolensk, Tomsk, and Tver, but wider geographic representation would enrich the conversation. Furthermore, as one participant noted, it might also be helpful to learn from the work of Holocaust studies and supplement the picture with the voices of direct participants and witnesses, such check here https://russiansbride.com/ as clients of crisis centers or former inmates who became activists. There are multiple centers across Russia that offer assistance to victims of gender-based violence, and there are projects, like Nasiliu.net, that focus on educating the public and spreading the word to prevent violence.
In addition, police officers routinely ignore domestic disturbance calls. When officers do respond, they often refuse to criminally prosecute instead of telling victims to prosecute privately. This is economically unfeasible for many women and effectively places the onus of an entire subgroup of law enforcement on the victim https://cglweb.com.co/2022/12/30/the-new-japanese-woman-modernity-media-and-women-in-interwar-japan-books-gateway-duke-university-press/ rather than the state. Decriminalization of domestic violence has rendered the statistics on it unreliable, but statistics have shown that most cases do not end up in court. If women cannot receive the assurance of their physical safety under Russian law and society, their overall rights are under severe threat.
At the same time, women’s achievements are absent from public spaces, and many female professionals are in constant search of legitimation and visibility. Hence it is important to “decolonize” the discourse and create platforms, such as the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s “She Is an Expert” project, to help achieve true gender parity, which is not about political correctness but about the quality of work and expertise and the visibility thereof. One of the kickoff speakers presented a study that analyzed the representation of women in Russian political bodies at different levels. The speaker described quantitative variations between different regions and municipalities and showed the positive effect of the mixed electoral system, wherein seats are filled both from party lists and from single-mandate districts.
In the few cases where women have served as pilots or in other restricted roles, they have had to petition the government for special permission, even sending hand-written notes to Shoygu. At the same time, it seems these women are disproportionately highlighted in Russian media, inflating the perception that female representation is robust and unrestricted. Fears of gender-based violence may also play a role, as reports of rape and sexual assault even against men in the Russian military are common. An extreme practice of violence, bullying, and hazing, known as dedovshchina is acknowledged as a severe issue in the Russian military.
However, as in the Soviet era, Russian women in the 1990s predominated in economic sectors where pay is low, and they continued to receive less pay than men for comparable positions. In 1995 men in health care earned an average of 50 percent more than women in that field, and male engineers received an average of 40 percent more than their female colleagues. Despite being better educated than men on average, women remained in the minority in senior management positions. In the later Soviet era, women’s wages averaged 70 percent of men’s; by 1995 the figure was 40 percent, according to the Moscow-based Center for Gender Studies. ], 87 percent of employed urban Russians earning less than 100,000 rubles a month were women, and the percentage of women decreased consistently in the higher wage-categories. After she left the country, Lakhina coordinated four more rallies, two of which were anti-war rallies in March and two anti-mobilization rallies in September. Lakhina now receives treatment for trauma symptoms, insomnia and panic attacks.
